Thursday, February 21, 2013

When Does the Violation of One's Religious Beliefs Actually Matter?

Yesterday, I listened to this two-person panel sponsored by the local Federalist Society. The speakers were Professors Richard Duncan and Ann Althouse, and they spoke on "The Constitutionalization of the Sexual Revolution and What It Means for Religious Liberty, Federalism, and Self Government." It was a lively discussion on the line we draw between religious freedom and civil liberties, specifically those in the sexual realm. I had a bit of frustration with Professor Duncan because he kept going back to the example of how Catholic adoption agencies in Massachusetts cannot turn away gay couples looking to adopt because if they do, the agencies would be violating anti-discrimination laws, which made him sound very one-sided.

At the end of the panel, I started asking myself a lot of questions. Should religion have as much influence in the political sphere that it does? Should the government have influence over one's religious beliefs? Should the religious beliefs of a vocal minority, plurality, or even a bare majority have any bearing on policy? In short, what constitutes as a legitimate violation of religious freedom and what constitutes as an encroachment on freedom that is merely disguised as religious freedom? When should I care that your religious beliefs have been violated, and when should I tell someone to "just deal with it?"

Constitutionally speaking, there's this little thing called the First Amendment. There are two relevant aspects of it: an Establishment clause, which states that the government cannot establish religion, and the Free Exercise Clause, which gives individuals a pretty wide range to practice one's religion in peace.

As a libertarian, my take on religion is that as long as you are not harming anyone (i.e., the nonaggression axiom), you can practice your religion as freely as you like. This rule applies to all, which means that an individual cannot impose their religious beliefs on other individuals and cry "that was a violation of my religious beliefs" when that individual doesn't get their way. I'll use myself as a hypothetical example. I have the right to keep kosher in accordance with Jewish dietary laws because that's part of my freedom of religion. I do not, however, have the "right" to either force others to keep kosher or even force all restaurants to adhere to Jewish dietary law. At the very least, you'd have a lot of people become angry because eating bacon cheeseburgers or shrimp would become illegal. Policy should not be enacted simply because it violates an individual's sense of religious right or wrong. Otherwise, it would become an argumentum ad absurdum very quickly.

So how do all these factors get applied to modern-day politics and policy?

1: Gay marriage. As I have argued before (see here, here, and here), same-sex marriage is not only a civil right dealing with equality, but it is a matter of contract rights. If you're on the Religious Right and you think that same-sex marriage is "an affront to G-d," then my advice to you is don't get married to someone of the same sex. You have the right to believe same-sex marriage is wrong (and I also have the right to disagree with that assertion), but you don't have the right to impose your religion on other people. A ban on same-sex marriage based on religion is as tenuous as my argument of making everyone in America adhere to Jewish dietary laws: it has no place in a free society.

2: Gay adoption. If we go back to Professor Duncan's main grievance, he brings up there being an issue with anti-discrimination laws, and I agree. Do I personally like the anti-gay discrimination of the Catholic adoption agencies? Absolutely not! In spite of that, I do have to respect the Catholic Church to run their private institutions in whichever way they would like. Fortunately, the Catholic Church's views do not stop a gay couple from exercising their right to adopt, especially considering that there are other adoption agencies out there that are more than willing to allow same-sex couples adopt. And as a side note: if we are to respect the Catholic Church as a private institution, then they shouldn't be receiving government funding. Otherwise, deal with the strings that are attached!

3: Anti-discrimination laws. Being a libertarian Jew, I have very mixed feelings about anti-discrimination laws. On the one hand, I know discriminating against employees based on something like religion, race, gender, or sexual orientation is wrong. Employers should select employees based on their skills. On the other hand, the notion of property rights allows proprietors to run their businesses however they want, regardless of how idiotic or immoral their discrimination is. This sort of idiocy does end up being punished. There is a reason why more and more businesses are being pro-LGBT: it's good business. Once the momentum for a civil rights movement begins, the trajectory is in favor of progress and equality. Businesses realize that as time goes on, more people will be pro-gay rights, which means that over time, being anti-gay is poor business strategy.

4: Obamacare and Birth Control. Another unintended consequence of Obamacare is agitating the Catholics with a birth control mandate that even extends to non-profit organizations. The Catholic Church doesn't want to be forced to provide something that they find morally objectionable. I believe women should have access to birth control. Conversely, birth control is not a right; it is an economic good. Birth control should be freely accessible in the marketplace, not at the bequest of a government mandate. Do the rights of the Catholic Church matter here? Yes and no. I agree with the Catholic Church, but for different reasons. They complain that their religious views are being violated, but that's not the issue per se. The real issue is that their economic rights are being violated. They should not be forced to pay for something they don't want, all the more so if they find it morally problematic.

Conclusion: The search for religious freedom is what led the Puritans and other persecuted religious minorities from the Old World to America. Religious freedom is considered sacrosanct in this country. Respecting the individual's freedom of religion means not infringing or imposing upon another individual's freedoms. Atheists can be offended or annoyed by religion, but that doesn't give the atheist the right to destroy or close down houses of worship. People were offended by Dan Cathy's anti-gay remarks, myself included, but that doesn't mean we go about banning Chick-fil-a restaurants. Boycotting is the best response to Dan Cathy and his ilk. If an evangelical Christian parent is offended that the public school teaches evolution or doesn't allow prayer in the classroom, that parent can either send their child to private school or have their child home-schooled.

To summarize my sentiment, if the government is forbidding a certain religious belief or practice when it is not infringing on other people and their rights, then the religious individual has the right to cry foul. Otherwise, we speak up and put an end to the chicanery because your freedom of conscience ends where another individual's freedoms begin. Without being aware of the difference between actual religious rights and faux claims masquerading as rights, we can lose our religious rights to either extreme, which is why we should always pay attention to our rights with due diligence and alacrity.

10 comments:

  1. The issue is still one of freedom. Yes, you have the right- and the choice- to follow kashrut. And obviously, attempting to legislate that on all Americans would be incompatible with a free society. The issue with many Catholic hospitals, healthcare providers and organizations is that they serve the general population, or at least a larger population, which includes a great many non-Catholics. If the Church wants to not provide birth control to Catholics, it could do so. But prohibiting birth control to non-Catholics on a Catholic religious basis is sheer hypocrisy, just as forbidding treif to all Americans would be. Catholic organizations have to provide the same services to everyone who comes to them, including birth control.

    But even Catholic organizations prohibiting the provision of birth control to Catholics, while more ideologically and theologically consistent, seems problematic to me; if we agree that birth control is something everyone should have, it should be provided by everyone, to everyone. Let's say Israel made a law saying that all Israeli Jews had to keep kosher. Not entirely infeasible, given the Haredi bloc's increasing power and size. Such a law, in addition to being rather arbitrarily autocratic of individual behavior, would be unfair to Jews who don't keep kosher or keep it at a different standard, just as a Catholic organization's failure to provide birth control would hurt Catholics who don't agree with the church. Yes, in both cases there are other options for Jews who eat treif and condom-toting Catholics.. but if any person, Catholic or non, has no other option but to go to such organizations for health care and birth control and is turned down, that I would find horrifying, too. That would be a misapplication of religious freedom since it would have the very real consequence of abridging someone else's freedom.

    Everyone should be able to have the number of children they want, when and how they want, whether that ideal number is ten or zero. The key to the future will not be in forcibly withholding birth control from those who need it, nor forcing those who choose childlessness to become parents, but allowing parents who choose parenthood to have the number of kids that they want; the ideal number is usually higher than the actual number of kids people wind up having. So let's ask instead, what is causing pro-natalist families to limit their family size below their own ideal?

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    1. Mark, you said that "Catholic organizations have to provide the same services to everyone who comes to them, including birth control" because "it's sheer hypocrisy." The kashrut example and birth control examples are non-analagous because in the former, you're telling consumers what they cannot consume, whereas in the latter, you're telling a producer what services they have to provide. You say the issue is one of freedom, but you don't apply that freedom to a private institution such as a Catholic hospital. Proprietors have the freedom to do what they want with their business, and that includes the Catholic Church being able to dictate the services that it provides. First, if we order the Catholic Church to provide birth control, what's next? Acupuncture? Plastic surgery? Second, if an individual wants birth control, there are places to get birth control--it's not like birth control is outlawed (which would be an issue if it were outlawed). There is no need to force the Catholic Church to provide simply because a certain group of people think the Catholic Church should do so. If we did that, we'd violate the Catholic Church's economic rights to do what it wants with its property, and that includes the capital in which it invests its services. If that many people are disgusted with the Catholic Church, they will find services elsewhere, which means the Catholic Church would either have to adapt or go out of business. It'd be nice if the Catholic Church would provide affordable access to birth control, but we shouldn't go violating the Catholic Church's right to property just because we disagree with the Catholic Church's stance on birth control.

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    2. I agree with Steve. Mark- you cannot make the Catholic Church provide such a service. Just because you think everyone agrees that somehow birth control is a good thing, the establishment clause would kick-in. This isn't some kind of majority rule thing, i.e. that's why there is a constitution. We live in a Constitutional Republic, not a majority rules democracy. You would hate that. Example, if I could convince 50.1% of the people in the US that you should be stripped of your citizenship and that you are a (throw in some pejorative), you lose. Why would that be beneficial to any of us knowing that could happen at any moment. Checks and balances are a good thing. The Establishment Clause prevents a large group of people from throwing their weight around whether it be through a coalition of like minded groups or just one large group.

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  2. But why shouldn't a believing Jew demand from the society what G-d wants to happen in the society, and if he has a way to enforce it (or support the government's enforcement of it) -- why not?

    Take sodomy laws as an example. Clear aveira. Clearly ossur al pi Torah for all people.

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    1. When I saw the screen name "Anarchist Chossid," I thought the question was a form of sarcasm or was being used as some non-interrogative literary device, but then I saw the remainder of the comment and realized you asking in sincerity.

      I thought that my blog entry would amply answer that, but I'll try to frame it in a more comprehensible way. First of all, if I use your example, why should policy be dictated based on your interpretation of something that is bein adam l'makom?

      Why shouldn't we let the evangelical Christian force every American to become Christian? Why shouldn't we let the atheist dictate that religion become illegal in this country? For the same reason your religious views shouldn't dictate public policy: we live in a pluralistic society based on the idea that people are free to lead their own lives, provided they aren't harming anyone.

      Two other things that should make you want to support gay rights, even if you personally don't agree with mishkav zachar: the First Amendment and minority rights. The very ideas and freedoms that give homosexuals to lead their lives the way they want to provide you with the same rights and freedoms for you and I to live Jewish lives. If you think impeding on gay rights based on one's religious views is a good idea, you'd only be shooting yourself in the foot because it'd open the door for other people's beliefs to be forced upon you. A glimpse at Jewish history shows that idea is most certainly in the realm of feasibility when you have a society that doesn't care about minorities, disenfranchised, or other downtrodden people. How many times has the government made it illegal for a Jew to practice his religion just because some group of people decided to impose their beliefs on Jews? So many times that it has become a predominant motif not only in Jewish history, but even in many chagim. In short, it'd be folly to undo the very mechanism that also keeps the Jew's religious freedom intact.

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    2. > When I saw the screen name "Anarchist Chossid," I thought the question was a form of sarcasm or was being used as some non-interrogative literary device, but then I saw the remainder of the comment and realized you asking in sincerity.

      One can be an anarchist chossid and still wonder what good answers to some questions are. I may be looking for different points of view besides mine.

      > why should policy be dictated based on your interpretation of something that is bein adam l'makom?

      The question is: why should I lobby for my particular view to be enforced in the society. And the answer is that because I believe it to be true.

      > Why shouldn't we let the evangelical Christian force every American to become Christian? Why shouldn't we let the atheist dictate that religion become illegal in this country? For the same reason your religious views shouldn't dictate public policy: we live in a pluralistic society based on the idea that people are free to lead their own lives, provided they aren't harming anyone.

      But is there any more to this idea than tacit mutual assured destruction threat of sorts? If there was a very good chance that the society would stay within general vanilla "Judeo-Christian values" (i.e., general respect for the rights of believers in one G-d and enforcement of general Judeo-Christian beliefs, with Jews being left alone to do whatever they want... but, not atheists or Muslims), would there be a good reason for us not to support such a set of policies?

      > If you think impeding on gay rights based on one's religious views is a good idea, you'd only be shooting yourself in the foot because it'd open the door for other people's beliefs to be forced upon you.

      That's an empirical question. Somewhere like Texas, it's unlikely that Christian Texans will force Jews to convert or break Shabbos.

      Also, one might argue that we should try to lobby whatever we believe Hashem wants to happen, and Hashem will reciprocate by making sure we can keep Torah in peace. But this approach is already dependent on one's hashkafa: namely, balance between bitachon and hishtadlus.

      Bottom line: I am more interested in whether one can make a moral argument pro: libertarian position, rather than a consequentialist one, if one is a frum Jew.

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    3. Anarchist Chossid, you state that "The question is: why should I lobby for my particular view to be enforced in the society?" That is not the question, but rather a question that can be relevant to the discussion. To answer it, yes, you have the freedom of speech to state your views. You have the freedom of protest to express your view on an issue. You're able to lobby for what you believe in. That's your right to do so. That still didn't answer my initial question of "why should policy be dictated based on your interpretation of something that is bein adam l'makom?" You did subsequently state that policy should be a certain way "because you believe so." Sincerity in beliefs is not a good basis for policy. Do you know how many people have sincere beliefs that span all sorts of political, religious, and ideological spectra? Secular, atheist liberals hold sincere beliefs. So do monotheistic conservatives. Heck, even Neo-Nazis and those at the Westboro Baptist Church hold sincere beliefs. It doesn't make them right, and it doesn't make them a solid a basis for policy. Your beliefs are your beliefs, and you're entitled to hold to your beliefs and your haskafah, but just because you strongly believe in them doesn't mean they should be a basis for public policy in a secular, pluralistic society whose legal system has more roots in British common law than "Judeo-Christian values."

      You also state that "Somewhere like Texas, it's unlikely that Christian Texans will force Jews to convert or break Shabbos." I'm not going to argue with that, and it actually goes back to my previously stated argument. Why? Because we value the First Amendment in this country. We value people's freedom. We place a high value on minority rights in this country, which is why it's unlikely that if that happened right now, it wouldn't fly. What was indicative of my argument is what would happen if you removed those principles and freedoms that protect minorities. That is the moment you would "shoot yourself in the foot," not with the status quo.

      If you're looking for a moralistic position that is both "libertarian and frum," that's a different challenge, and I don't know if there is a good answer, given the stance you're taking on homosexual conduct in a secular society. If you're looking to differentiate your libertarianism where it's political libertarianism, you can say "I personally don't agree with mishkav zachar, but I'm not going to use the government force people to do otherwise." If not, it'd be a violation of both contract rights and the nonaggression axiom, both of which are fundamental in libertarian thought, which would make it very difficult to resolve the two ideologies.

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  3. 1. Your first paragraph assumes that I can hold principles which are more basic than my religious principles. That may be possible for some people, but not for all. Certainly that doesn't fit into Jewish religious worldview. Our G-d is a jealous G-d.

    Also, the approach assumes that I can contemplate truth as I know it and truth as it is in itself. But such a distinction is nonsensical. I know only one truth, and that is the one I consider to be true.

    2. I don't know I have a good argument against that. I basically understand such a consequentialist approach to libertarianism. It makes sense to me. There are, of course, Jews who believe that we can tacitly "play the system".

    3. The stance is not mine but G-d's, according to Judaism. Sodomy is ossur gomur. There is no question here. One question is whether we should enforce this Noahide Law, and many poskim argue that we should, or at least should support the system that does so.

    Why should a Jew care about NAP or contract rights deontologically? I understand the consequentialist argument. But is there a good deontological/moral position?

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  4. Everything said above is really well said. However, since you brought up atheism and evolution, I would point out that the establishment clause should be careful to mandate a particular dogma whether it be an organized religion, philosophy, etc. I think Atheists are expressing a particular philosophy, i.e. G-d does not exist just as a Buddhist believe there are many G-ds, and Jews, Christians and Moslems have a concept of monotheistism. Even within monotheism there enough shades of gray whether it be an individual belief or through an organized system. It is important for the government not to get involved in a particular religion/way of life/philosophy of life. It should be fairly hands off, and it should not contribute economically to any of it. It's not the government's job in the purest sense to get involved. I think we have a tendency to think of religion in terms of organized religion. That idea needs to be aggressively challenged. With evolution, one should be careful to make the distinction between science and origin theology. While science may be able to analyze what we see, I see it as a reach to describe the origins of the universe in a tightly wound theory/story. There is a lot of speculation on the in between, and I see that a failure of scientists to distinguish between science and dogma. Science should explain the now as much as possible and be careful in how it explains the past (if there really is an ever so distant past). Funding the teaching of evolution teeters on breaching the establishment clause.

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  5. #3 - Enforce them? You legally would be encroaching on the establishment clause. If you're worried about sodomy and religious laws, then you need to start your own country. Your best bet is not to engage in itself, shelter yourself from known sodomists, and spend time encouraging people not to engage in the acitivity with your own personal resources. Good luck.

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