A couple of weeks ago, there were two state governors that banned ranked choice voting (RCV) for their state: West Virginia and Wyoming. This has brought up the total of U.S. states that have banned RCV to 13 states. RCV is an electoral system that allows voters to elect candidates by ranking them in order of preference on their ballots. There are typically two forms of RCV. One is instant runoff voting (IRV), in which there are multi-round eliminations use in a series of runoff elections. The second is single transferable vote (STV), which allows a vote to be transferred to alternative preferences if their preferred candidate is eliminated or elected with surplus votes. Maine and Alaska, the two states that have RCV for statewide elections, both use IRV. IRV is primarily used in single-winner races, whereas STV is mainly used in multi-winner races (e.g., electing members in a council).
What is so bad about RCV that 13 states ban its usage? For RCV opponents, it comes down to election integrity. They view RCV as a needlessly complicated process that makes it harder for voters to navigate and get timely election results released, especially when it comes to ensuring accuracy of the tabulation of votes in RCV. I can appreciate the argument for complexity; it is one I have used in favor for federal tax code simplification. The increased complexity of RCV diminishes my support of RCV.
At the same time, it does not eliminate my support for RCV. One of the things that frustrates me about how the two-party system has evolved in U.S. politics is that it does not leave space for third parties to have influence. RCV is a fairer representation of what the American people want, instead of it simply being "Republican, Democrat, Independent, supposedly 'wasting your vote' on a third party candidate, or the increasingly prevalent apathetic voter." RCV means a more accurate depiction of the electorate because it shows who has the strongest support across the electorate, not solely the most passionate base of a given party. It would make sense that those devoted to either majority party would be most opposed since they have the most to lose in an electoral system that has been favorable to preserving this electoral status quo.
I can point out that Australia has been using RCV for over a century (e.g., Reilly, 2009; Bean, 2007; Graham, 1962). I also remember what I learned from taking Comparative Politics in college: what might work in one political system may or may not work in the other one, especially when it comes to electoral systems. That is why I prefer to keep my analysis here focused on evidence in the United States. That also proves challenging since most states in the United States do not use RCV, although there are municipalities that do. As such, it makes the evidence base limited. Nevertheless, I tried looking.
Alaska provides an insightful case study on RCV. Right-leaning think tank R Street Institute found that RCV in Alaska gave greater voter choice while improving representation (Williamson, 2023). This research also showed that it did not damper the Republicans' "ability to translate their support into seats in the state legislature."
According to Patinkin Research Strategies, 85 percent of Alaskans found RCV to be simple when Alaska began using RCV. Another study by a political scientist at the University of Iowa found that 68 percent of voters believed RCV was easy (Coll, 2021). The voters having more difficulties were older voters. This finding helps to neutralize the argument that RCV is too complicated for voters. And while there additional steps to counting votes in an RCV system, that is a logistical obstacle that could be overcome.
In its research on RCV (Eggers and Bouton, 2024), the University of Chicago's Center for Effective Government concluded that RCV across the United States could end up "leading to more candidates, less polarization, and less incentive to vote strategically." The polarization argument is interesting because it is one of the most often used by RCV proponents.
As for less polarization, the research on RCV's effects is limited. There is a study about RCV in Maine showing that RCV can reduce polarization, but modestly so (Ceronne and McClintock, 2021).One other U.S.-based study asking about this question, but their caveated conclusion was that RCV only works if it increases the number of political parties in play. Otherwise, it would more likely increase animosity (Fischer et al., 2021). Using a sample size of 50,000 people, another study indicates that because RCV is more representative, RCV is better positioned to combat political extremism and polarization (Atkinson et al., 2023).
I like the idea of a system that does a better job of appealing to the median voter instead of what exists in the United States. I think it would be an improvement over the status quo. Based on theory and preliminary research, it seems to do well. At the same time, I would like to see more research that better establishes RCV's efficacy. In the interim, I will say this: As a series of RCV bans implemented last year illustrates, whether by ballot or legislation, it is easier said than done to make the transition from something that has been so engrained in the U.S. electoral system.
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